3 min readFeb 24, 2026 07:21 AM IST
First published on: Feb 24, 2026 at 07:11 AM IST
The success against Left-Wing Extremism (LWE) can be measured across three registers. The first is state capacity and policies that take the fight to the armed cadres of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The second is the concerted efforts to facilitate the surrenders and rehabilitation of those who were, till recently, “waging war” against the Indian state. On the ideological front, splits within the Maoist leadership, as well as recognition of the futility of “armed struggle”, have weakened the Maoists. The reported surrender of the highest-ranking Maoist, Thippiri Tirupathi alias “Devuji”, along with 20 other cadres in Telangana, marks the near end of the LWE, ahead of the central government’s March 31 deadline.
Nearly 2,000 Maoist cadres have surrendered since 2024. This has been backed by local intelligence and the spread of forward posts in the remote and forested areas of the “red corridor” across Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. The neutralisation of Nambala Keshava Rao, alias Basavaraju, the then general secretary of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), in May 2025, pushed the Maoists further onto the back foot. The killing of Madvi Hidma, head of Batallion 1, in November last year, and Modiyam Vella, commander of Company No 2 ,in December, dealt body blows to the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army. The Maoists, though, are not merely an armed band — they are also the bearers of a political ideology. On this front, the surrender of Mallojula Venugopal Rao (alias Sonu), one of the chief ideologues of the Naxal movement, was a major gain.
With Devuji’s surrender, the Maoists are now estimated to have an armed cadre of just around 180 and a leadership that is all but decimated. This moment, however, calls not for triumphalism but sombre reflection. At its height, the red corridor ran through some of India’s most backward districts, where the state was often absent or, at times, coercive. Now, policy and politics need to protect and ensure both development and representation. The strength of India’s democracy lies in its capaciousness, its ability to turn critics and rebels into stakeholders. Issues like forest rights and just and transparent land acquisition must be addressed. The most marginalised must be a part of the larger India story. That, as much as the actions of the security forces, will help ensure that Naxalism does not return in any form.
