5 min readMay 20, 2026 01:25 PM IST
First published on: May 20, 2026 at 01:25 PM IST
For nearly 12 years, the BJP has been the dominant political force in India. Despite repeated allegations by opposition parties regarding the misuse of institutions, unfair electoral practices, and abuse of state machinery, the BJP continues to expand its political influence. It does not hesitate to use every available political tool, including influencing investigative agencies and benefiting from a favourable Election Commission. Why, then, have opposition parties failed to develop a united and long-term strategy to confront such a challenge? They often fail to undertake serious introspection, strategic planning, or coordinated political action.
One of the most significant political developments in recent years was the passage of the Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023. The Lok Sabha passed the Bill on December 21, 2023, amid a walkout by opposition parties, and the Rajya Sabha passed it the following day. The opposition failed to mount any effective resistance to the legislation. No serious parliamentary obstruction occurred, and even a formal division of the vote was reportedly not demanded. The Bill was ultimately passed by voice vote. The Act replaced the Chief Justice of India in the selection committee for Election Commissioners with a Union cabinet minister. Consequently, the committee now consists of the Prime Minister, a Cabinet Minister nominated by the Prime Minister, and the Leader of the Opposition (or the leader of the single-largest opposition party). This structure gives the Prime Minister decisive influence over the appointment of Election Commissioners.
Section 15A of the Act prevents courts from taking action against election officials for acts performed in their official capacity. In such circumstances, an important question arises: How can free and fair elections be guaranteed under the CEC Act, 2023? If this trend continues, public trust in the Election Commission may gradually erode, affecting not only opposition parties and leaders, but the faith of ordinary citizens in the democratic process itself.
The 42nd Constitutional Amendment of 1976 froze the total number of Lok Sabha seats, based on the 1971 Census, until the year 2000. The 84th Constitutional Amendment of 2002 further extended this freeze until the first Census conducted after 2026. The Census process is expected to begin in 2026 and conclude in 2027, and the next nationwide delimitation exercise may take place only after the publication of final Census data, possibly after 2030. However, the 84th Amendment did not prevent the delimitation exercise conducted in Assam in 2023 under Section 8A of the Representation of the People Act, 1950. Using 2001 Census data, the EC redrew constituency boundaries while retaining the total number of Assembly and Lok Sabha seats. The outcome of the exercise was that constituency boundaries were altered in a manner favourable to the BJP. The Supreme Court declined to stay the delimitation exercise while agreeing to examine its constitutional validity. However, the final decision remains pending, even though elections have already been held, a new government has assumed office, and the Chief Minister has taken oath. At this stage, any future judgment may have little practical impact.
The BJP government can repeat the Assam model of delimitation in other states. Perhaps the BJP’s greatest political advantage is not merely its organisational strength, but the inability of opposition parties to unite. In several elections, opposition parties have fought one another more aggressively than they have fought the BJP itself.
For example, during the Delhi elections, Arvind Kejriwal ruled out any alliance between the Aam Aadmi Party and the Indian National Congress. The result was a split in anti-BJP votes: BJP secured 45.56 per cent, AAP received 43.57 per cent, and Congress 6.34 per cent. Had AAP and Congress contested together, their combined vote share would have crossed 50%, potentially altering the electoral outcome. A similar situation occurred in West Bengal, where the BJP secured 45.84%, the All India Trinamool Congress obtained 40.80 per cent, CPI(M) received 4.45 per cent, and Congress 2.97 per cent. Had the TMC, Congress, and CPI(M) united, their combined vote share would have exceeded that of the BJP.
While the BJP is accused of manipulating institutions and electoral systems, opposition parties simultaneously weaken themselves by refusing strategic alliances and prioritising regional rivalries over national political coordination.
Mamata Banerjee was accused of encouraging polarisation in the state and heading a corrupt government. Post the election results, she is publicly receiving support from many — a gesture that carries little political significance after the outcome has already been decided. It would be prudent for the Congress party to set up state-specific alliances with regional parties well in advance of elections, rather than attempting last-minute political adjustments.
The opposition must also consider launching a nationwide movement — similar to the farmers’ movement — demanding the withdrawal of the CEC Act, 2023. At the very least, opposition parties must seriously deliberate whether participation in elections under the present framework can truly ensure a free and fair democratic process.
Otherwise, the BJP’s dominance may continue not merely because of its own strength, but because of the opposition’s continued inability to act as a coherent and united political force.
The writer is a Congress leader and former MP
